{"ID":51521,"name":"Nixon v. Administrator of General Services","href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/cases\/1976\/75-1605","view_count":0,"docket_number":"75-1605","additional_docket_numbers":null,"manner_of_jurisdiction":"Appeal","first_party":"Richard M. Nixon","second_party":"Administrator of General Services","timeline":[{"event":"Argued","dates":[230364000],"href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/case_timeline\/case_timeline\/32281"},{"event":"Decided","dates":[236322000],"href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/case_timeline\/case_timeline\/32282"},{"event":"Granted","dates":[218095200],"href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/case_timeline\/case_timeline\/53673"}],"lower_court":null,"facts_of_the_case":"\u003Cp\u003ERichard M. Nixon resigned as President of the United States on August 9, 1974, leaving in government custody approximately 42 million pages of documents, 880 reels of tape recordings of conversations, and other materials. Soon after, Nixon executed a depository agreement with the Administrator of General Services Administration providing for the storage of these materials near Nixon\u2019s California home; this agreement also specified that certain of the materials would be destroyed at Nixon\u2019s discretion.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EShortly after this agreement was publicized, the Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act became law. The act directed the Administrator to take custody of Nixon\u2019s presidential materials, assign government archivists to screen materials for items that were personal or private in nature, preserve materials with historical value, and make materials available for use in judicial proceedings. The act also directed the Administrator to promulgate regulations allowing eventual public access to the materials.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EThe day after President Ford signed the act into law, Nixon challenged its constitutionality in district court, claiming that it violated 1) the principle of separation of powers, 2) Nixon\u2019s presidential privilege, 3) Nixon\u2019s privacy interests, 4) Nixon\u2019s First Amendment associational rights, and 5) the bill of attainder clause. He sought declaratory and injunctive relief against the enforcement of the act. The district court dismissed Nixon\u2019s compliant, holding that his constitutional challenges were without merit.\u003C\/p\u003E\n","question":"\u003Cp\u003E1. Was the Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act unconstitutional on its face as a violation of the separation of powers?\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003E2. Was the act unconstitutional on its face as a violation of presidential privilege doctrines?\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003E3. Was the act unconstitutional on its face as a violation of Nixon\u2019s privacy interests?\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003E4. Was the act unconstitutional on its face as a violation of Nixon\u2019s First Amendment right to free association?\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003E5. Was the act unconstitutional on its face as a violation of the Bill of Attainder Clause?\u003C\/p\u003E\n","conclusion":"\u003Cp\u003E\u0022\n\u003Cp\u003ENo, no, no, no, and no. In a 7-2 decision written by Justice William Brennan, the Court held that the act did not violate any of Nixon\u2019s relevant constitutional rights. Justice Brennan first determined that the district court correctly limited the scope of its review to the constitutional consequences of the archival screenings because the Administrator had not yet promulgated any regulations.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice Brennan rejected Nixon\u2019s claim that the act violated the constitutional separation of powers, focusing on whether the act prevented the executive branch from accomplishing its constitutionally assigned functions. He noted that the act placed custody of the materials in officials also of the executive branch, and that the materials could only be released if that action was not barred by some applicable executive privilege.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice Brennan rejected Nixon\u2019s claim that presidential privilege barred archival scrutiny of the materials. He noted that presidential immunity was generally qualified, and that the screening constituted a very limited intrusion by executive branch personnel into executive matters. Moreover, the intrusion was justified by a clear public interest in preserving materials for legitimate historical and governmental purposes.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice Brennan held that the act did not violate Nixon\u2019s right to privacy. He weighed the potential intrusion into Nixon\u2019s privacy against the public interest in subjecting the materials to archival screening. He noted that only a small fraction of the materials in question related to personal matters, and that the act provided procedures for the expressed purpose of minimizing intrusions into Nixon\u2019s private and personal matters.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice Brennan held that the act did not violate Nixon\u2019s right to associational privacy under the First Amendment. He acknowledged that Nixon as President was the head of the national Republican Party and that the First Amendment closely protects involvement in partisan polities. Here, however, archival screening was apparently the least restrictive means of meeting the compelling government interests promoted by the act.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EFinally, Justice Brennan rejected Nixon\u2019s argument that the act was a bill of attainder that legislatively determined guilt and inflicted punishment on Nixon without provision of the protections of a judicial trial. He concluded that the act did not impose any punishment traditionally judged to be prohibited by the bill of attainder clause, that the act was justified by Nixon\u2019s plan to eventually destroy some of the materials, and that the legislative history did not indicate an intent to punish Nixon.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice Byron White concurred in part and in the judgment. With respect to the bill of attainder issue, Justice White argued that it was sufficient to demonstrate that the act did not impose any punishment on Nixon. He questioned the majority\u2019s assumption that the government\u2019s interest in historical preservation could be important enough in itself to entitle it to Nixon\u2019s private communications.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice John Paul Stevens concurred. He outlined the history of bill of attainders, pointing out that they were generally directed at formerly powerful political actors. Here, however, the facts provided a legitimate justification for the specificity of the act.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice Harry Blackmun concurred in part and concurred in the judgment. He described his posture as essentially similar to that of Justice Louis Powell, but did not share his view that the President Carter\u2019s agreement with the position of the Administrator was dispositive of the separation-of-powers issue.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice Louis Powell concurred in part and concurred in the judgment. Justice Powell emphasized the uniqueness of the situation leading to the act\u2019s signing, and the importance of safeguarding the materials. Regarding the separation of powers issue, Justice Powell considered it dispositive that President Carter represented through his Solicitor General that the act serves the executive.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EChief Justice Warren Burger dissented. He argued that the act was an unconstitutional congressional violation of separation of powers. He highlighted the historical importance of presidential freedom from control or coercion by Congress, and characterized the act as an attempt by Congress to exercise the executive power to control executive materials, some of which were confidential.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice William Rehnquist dissented, characterizing the question as whether congress has the right to seize the official papers of an outgoing president as he is leaving the inaugural stand. He emphasized the importance of candid and open discourse in the executive branch and the potential effect of the act on the free flow of information to and from the President. He rejected the majority\u2019s balancing of the violation of separation of powers against the public interests allegedly furthered by the act.\u003C\/p\u003E\n","advocates":[{"advocate":{"ID":27551,"name":"Herbert J. 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