{"ID":63774,"name":"Chiles v. Salazar","href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/cases\/2025\/24-539","view_count":0,"docket_number":"24-539","additional_docket_numbers":null,"manner_of_jurisdiction":"Writ of \u003Ci\u003Ecertiorari\u003C\/i\u003E","first_party":"Kaley Chiles","second_party":"Patty Salazar","timeline":[{"event":"Granted","dates":[1741582800],"href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/case_timeline\/case_timeline\/55627"},{"event":"Argued","dates":[1759813200],"href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/case_timeline\/case_timeline\/55713"},{"event":"Decided","dates":[1774933200],"href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/case_timeline\/case_timeline\/55809"}],"lower_court":{"ID":14,"name":"United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit","href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/taxonomy\/term\/14"},"facts_of_the_case":"\u003Cp\u003EKaley Chiles is a licensed professional counselor practicing in Colorado Springs. She holds a master\u0027s degree in clinical mental health and provides talk therapy, specializing in clients dealing with addiction, trauma, sexuality, gender dysphoria, and other mental health concerns. Chiles identifies as a Christian and serves clients who often seek religiously informed care that aligns with traditional biblical understandings of sexuality and gender. Prior to the enactment of a 2019 Colorado law banning conversion therapy for minors, Chiles counseled clients, including minors, in accordance with their self-identified goals, which sometimes included diminishing same-sex attractions or aligning gender identity with biological sex. Since the law\u2019s passage, Chiles has refrained from engaging in discussions with minors that she believes could be interpreted as conversion therapy and alleges that this has hampered her ability to provide full counseling services in line with her and her clients\u2019 religious convictions.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EIn September 2022, Chiles brought a pre-enforcement lawsuit under 42 U.S.C. \u00a7 1983 against Colorado officials responsible for enforcing the statute. She alleged that the ban on conversion therapy for minors violates her rights under the Free Speech and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment. Seeking a preliminary injunction, she asked the district court to block enforcement of the law against her. The court denied the motion but found she had standing to proceed. On appeal, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit affirmed in full, holding that Colorado\u2019s law regulates professional conduct that incidentally involves speech and survived rational basis review.\u003C\/p\u003E\n","question":"\u003Cp\u003EDoes a Colorado law banning \u201cconversion therapy\u201d\u2014i.e., attempts to \u201cconvert\u201d someone\u2019s sexual orientation or gender identity\u2014violate the Free Speech Clause of the First Amendment?\u003C\/p\u003E\n","conclusion":"\u003Cp\u003EThe First Amendment prohibits a state from applying a conversion therapy ban to a licensed counselor who uses only talk therapy, because such a law regulates speech based on viewpoint and therefore demands the most rigorous constitutional scrutiny. Justice Neil Gorsuch authored the 8-1 majority opinion.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EThe First Amendment\u0027s core guarantee is that every person has the right to speak their mind free from government-imposed orthodoxy. Laws that restrict speech based on its subject matter \u2014 called \u0022content-based\u0022 restrictions \u2014 are presumptively unconstitutional and require \u0022strict scrutiny,\u0022 meaning the government must prove the law is the most targeted possible means of serving a compelling public interest. Viewpoint discrimination \u2014 when a law permits speech on one side of a debate while silencing the other \u2014 is an even more serious violation. Colorado\u0027s law commits exactly that sin as applied to Chiles\u0027s practice. It expressly allows a therapist to offer clients acceptance and support for gender identity exploration or gender transition, but flatly forbids any therapeutic conversation aimed at reducing or changing a client\u0027s same-sex attractions, behaviors, or gender identity. Because the law picks winners and losers based on the message being delivered, it discriminates based on viewpoint and triggers the highest level of constitutional scrutiny, not the lenient \u0022rational basis\u0022 review the lower courts applied.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EColorado advanced several arguments for why its law should survive without strict scrutiny, and none succeeded. First, the state argued that talk therapy is \u0022conduct,\u0022 not \u0022speech,\u0022 so the First Amendment\u0027s full force should not apply. That argument fails because relabeling speech as a \u0022treatment\u0022 or \u0022therapeutic modality\u0022 cannot strip it of constitutional protection; the only thing Chiles does with her clients is talk, and the law targets only what she says. Second, Colorado argued the law only \u0022incidentally\u0022 burdens speech because its primary purpose is to ban a harmful medical treatment. That argument misreads the Court\u0027s precedents: the speech-incident-to-conduct doctrine protects laws that restrict speech tied to separately unlawful acts, or laws that restrict expressive conduct for reasons unrelated to content. This law does neither \u2014 the behaviors the law restricts are not independently illegal, and the law explicitly targets speech based on its content and viewpoint. Third, Colorado invoked historical traditions of medical licensing, informed-consent laws, and malpractice liability as evidence of a long-recognized category of regulable professional speech. Those traditions fail at both the general and specific level: licensing laws have historically governed who may practice a profession, not what viewpoints practitioners must hold; informed-consent laws compel disclosure of objective facts tied to a specific medical procedure, not suppression of a perspective; and malpractice requires proof of actual harm, which \u0022provides breathing room for protected speech\u0022 in a way this law does not.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice Elena Kagan concurred, joined by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, agreeing that Colorado\u0027s law is plainly unconstitutional viewpoint discrimination, but writing separately to flag that the harder, unresolved question \u2014 whether a content-based but viewpoint-neutral law restricting therapeutic speech would survive First Amendment challenge \u2014 should be left for another day.\u003C\/p\u003E\n\u003Cp\u003EJustice Ketanji Brown Jackson dissented, arguing that the majority misreads NIFLA v. Becerra (2018) and ignores a centuries-long tradition of states regulating medical professionals\u0027 treatment-related conduct; in her view, Colorado\u0027s law incidentally restricts Chiles\u0027s speech only as a byproduct of regulating a harmful medical treatment, which does not trigger heightened scrutiny, and the majority\u0027s holding dangerously undermines states\u0027 ability to enforce any standard of care administered through speech.\u003C\/p\u003E\n","advocates":[{"advocate":{"ID":63556,"name":"James A. Campbell","href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/people\/james_a_campbell","view_count":0,"last_name":"Campbell","roles":null,"thumbnail":null,"length_of_service":0,"identifier":"james_a_campbell"},"advocate_description":"for the Petitioner","href":"https:\/\/api.oyez.org\/case_advocate\/case_advocate\/23774"},{"advocate":{"ID":56093,"name":"Hashim M. 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